Braces Wax Poisonous?

Marchionne rules and ethics of Berlinguer

for anyone if it were lost

of Eugenio Scalfari
The Marchionne spoke in Rimini the meeting of Communion and Liberation did not say great news compared to the Pomigliano Marchionne. Moreover since then nothing has happened of relevance that had not already been provided: the global car market continues to lose shots in the West (and win in major country markets emergenti); la Fiat è una delle imprese più penalizzate sia sul mercato italiano sia su quello europeo; la stessa Fiat tuttavia vende in Italia circa il 40 per cento del suo prodotto e quindi in Italia ci deve restare, che lo voglia oppure no, ed anche le più massicce de-localizzazioni non possono cancellare con un tratto di penna tutti gli stabilimenti italiani e la manodopera che ci lavora.Questa situazione è nota da un pezzo, fin da quando due anni fa Marchionne lanciò l'operazione Chrysler con l'accordo dei suoi azionisti, del presidente americano Barack Obama e dei sindacati di Detroit. Non tutti i commentatori capirono che non era la Fiat a conquistare la Chrysler ma viceversa: la Fiat si aggrappava alla Chrysler, anch'essa in stato pre-agonico, to make a force of two weaknesses. This was the program that Marchionne on the other hand was also honest in admitting this verità.Previde - and said so - that Fiat could spin off car production from the rest of the group formed a new company, which took place as planned . Since then there have been no new activities:
Marchionne had previously declared that he was working in a new era of globalized economy, he used the image "after Christ" also well become new famosa.Di there was in fact the translation of this program, Pomigliano, Termini Imerese, in Melfi and partly to Mirafiori. The referendum in Pomigliano, the new company now owns the plant, la resistenza della Fiom-Cgil, lo sciopero di Melfi, i tre licenziati, il ricorso al Tar e il loro reintegro, la decisione della Fiat di non riammetterli al lavoro in attesa del secondo grado di giudizio, l'intervento del presidente Napolitano e il suo auspicio di superare l'incidente con spirito di equità in attesa della sentenza definitiva. Infine il Marchionne di Rimini . A Rimini l'amministratore delegato della Fiat ha esposto con la massima chiarezza alcuni suoi "mantra".

1. L'economia globalizzata impone che l'aumento di produttività nei paesi opulenti sia molto più elevato di quanto negli ultimi trent'anni non sia avvenuto, per tenere il passo con quanto avviene nei paesi emergenti e non perdere altro terreno nei loro confronti.

2. La lotta di classe è finita perché non ci sono più classi.

3. La domanda di automobili in Occidente è molto diminuita ed è tuttora in calo, perciò bisogna concentrare la produzione in un numero limitato di imprese, riducendo il numero delle unità prodotte e aumentando la competitività.

4. I lavoratori debbono accettare nuove regole sulla flessibilità negli orari, sul ricorso allo sciopero, sulla struttura del salario e dei contratti.

5. La giurisdizione del lavoro dovrà, di conseguenza, essere aggiornata.

6. Forme di partecipazione dei workers to profit from increased productivity are desirable and should be encouraged.

7. The social partners should press governments to obtain new types of "welfare" appropriate to the new regole.Alcuni of these principles are reasonable and deserve to be discussed. Others have deeply reactionary inspiration. Also some striking omissions in this reasoning, the most obvious of which concerns the pay inequalities that have reached unacceptable levels. Marchionne may say that these issues do not affect its "playing field" but would deny this with the obvious: every person and every employee lives in a social context that can not be fragmented, is a global context and implies at the forefront the issue of rights and duties.

must recognize - and for me as I've written several times - that the global economy requires a transfer of welfare from poor and emerging affluent area. You can gradualizzare some extent this process, but it is pointless to try to stop it. The transfer can take place in various ways. One of them is immigration from poor affluent area, another is the de-localization of production and capital in the opposite direction, another is the search for similar transfers of social welfare within the opulent rich and poor classes of classes, accompanied by more intense pace of productivity in poor areas so that their social dynamic offset the areas ricche.Siamo that - and certainly not by choice - in front of a giant planet-sized social rehabilitation, during which we must take steady the bar on two fundamental rights: freedom and equality. The restructuring of social fact of such proportions as to endanger those two rights. That may give rise to authoritarian forms of government the illusion that only that way you can govern social processes, and can also lead to unacceptable discrimination in terms of equality. Unfortunately in Italy there is a danger to load the burden of restructuring the most vulnerable social and wounded in this way both the equality and freedom.

During the meeting in Rimini, the day before Marchionne spoke Giulio Tremonti. A large discourse, economy, finance and politics. Tremonti's intervention has been widely reported in the newspapers and there will come back on, but there is a point that interests me here to take: When the economy minister spoke of austerity in mind that in years gone by that notion was supported by Enrico Berlinguer, who proposed to make the cornerstone of a new economic policy. It is true, Berlinguer saw with thirty years before the great social reorganization that was coming, it took some implicazioni che riguardavano la politica e le istituzioni, decise di orientare in modo nuovo la politica del suo partito affinché si ponesse alla guida di quel riassetto.Non fu soltanto Berlinguer a imboccare quella strada. Nel Pci a favore d'una politica di austerità si schierò Giorgio Amendola, nel sindacato Luciano Lama, negli altri partiti Ugo La Malfa, Riccardo Lombardi, Antonio Giolitti, Gino Giugni e Giorgio Ruffolo, Bruno Visentini. Nella Dc, Ezio Vanoni e Pasquale Saraceno. Insomma la sinistra di governo e la sinistra di opposizione. Il richiamo di Tremonti è stato dunque molto opportuno: la sinistra, quella sinistra, aveva capito in anticipo i tempi e le crisi che si addensavano e ne vide le conseguenze sulla società italiana.Tremonti but did not make explicit the meaning of that position. Berlinguer wanted it left to lead the impending social rehabilitation, to ensure that not only were the weakest classes to pay the cost. This aspect of the problem has been obscured by our Minister of Economy and is instead the key issue. If you need to implement a comprehensive institutional modernization and a transfer of welfare from wealthy economies to emerging ones, if such a massive reorganization can not be separated from a similar restructuring in affluent areas, it is clear that the weak should participate in very front row for this operation. The middle classes and lower-middle can not be the subject of the reorganization social without being at the same time the main soggetto.Questo is the missing analysis of Tremonti and Marchionne has conspicuously failed as failed Marcegaglia. The entire meeting in Rimini has been silent on this point: all the more glaring omission in what happened on one occasion sponsored by a major Catholic communities, complete with a papal blessing and attendance cardinals. Nor is it acceptable that such a blatant omission is justified by the argument that the political aspect does not affect traders and imprenditori.Grave error: the political economy has as its central theme of ethics, that the rights and duty, the happiness and unhappiness, the giustizia e del privilegio. Una Comunità cattolica dovrebbe mettere al centro delle sue riflessioni questo tema e porlo ai suoi ospiti. Se non lo fa, diventa una lobby come in effetti Cl è da tempo diventata .

Da : http://www.repubblica.it/

Episode Vegeta X Bulma

no home, no work. It's easy to say, thirty years

Si fa presto a dire “trent’anni” vissuti in un paese di stragi, e stragisti. In una nazione che ha lenìto, solo con funerali e giornalisti e sindacalisti, il dolore delle vittime. Col collega che ci ha lasciato sua figlia, sul primo binario, e dava di matto, all’epoca. Coi magistrati da soli, in prima linea. Si fa presto a dire trent’anni with a subtle fear that overcame you each time you take a train towards the Apennines, with the obsessive care to avoid the waiting room, and buying a newspaper to read, on the journey, not to think about it too. It's easy to say that work, thirty years, a company in which are forgotten in the copier with a copy of the manual to join the venerable Mason, and you see above and turn heads with confusion swirling Capetti, renovation of sites and functions, a logic that responds to everything except the welfare of the client, and work. Without an apparent logic, except that while the IRS collects us less, because the company is restructured without end. It's easy to say that young people today have no future. If you are studying abroad, or else to remain living with parents without work, while we we had. Yes, but what work? Alice saw fellow students continue their studies with scholarships given to children of professionals, who reported incomes lower than those of his parents and employees. No one knew thirty years ago? or was it a way, too, to encourage, as now, the children of certain social classes? It's easy to say thirty years, lived in a country where to find the house is impossible, if not to jeopardize their lives for decades, only to see that instead they make the houses, and eat the grass around it, every year hundreds of hectares, and are empty thousands already made, because no one wants to fix it. For thirty years. Alice had two parents, with whom he often had to run to the emergency room - they were old and sick - and every time we remained eight hours in a row, patient complaints and also surrounded by blood, as in third-world thriller, only to be told yes, the place was, but not in the specialist clinic, but in geriatrics or general medicine, where every time he saw kids graduating who did not know where to put their hands. And every time she had to instruct them, medical history, allergies, because the card each time the patient was thrown. Or the database was different from one hospital to the other, and nobody knew nulla dell’altro. Eppure era anche contenta, perché nel suo paese, molto spesso, andava anche peggio. Molto peggio. Per trent’anni Alice ha vissuto in un luogo dove hanno deciso che Privato era meglio che Pubblico, e invece di controllare gli appalti, come un privato farebbe per prima cosa, si son cominciati a contare i minuti che occorrono per fare la Tac, oppure l’eco, o anche le visite, perché bisognava produrre ricchezza. Anche nella salute occorre evitare gli sprechi, e la cura dei vecchi è uno spreco, rende poco, anzi, non rende. Nel paese di Alice ci vogliono mesi per ottenere una licenza, di qualsiasi genere, ma occorrono minuti per venir derubati sull’autobus, se solo non tieni in bocca la borsa. Ci vogliono weeks to get the medical records, but the exorbitant bills to pay now everywhere, and if they cut off two months later, a light gas and water. If you need to enroll your child in a school in a long time, six months before you sign up, but when he gets there, just a week to know that the money for toilet paper are not there, and they also have to pay immediately. If you decide to have a child, and if not born in normal times, you also have to pay to go abroad, to shell out millions because of Alice's life in the country is governed only at birth, not after. After you can go to war - by volunteers, of course, and unemployment that beats is a good ground for volunteers - and after you can expose them to uranium depleted, you can let them die on the streets on Saturday evening, you can let them die in a foundry, or on rooftops, even for drugs, ignorant, uneducated, and easy prey for drug dealers hungry, let them die like this ... in this country. Every so often we have a start, we look around and see them dazed, at the sides of the streets of major cities, holding a beer at ten o'clock in the morning, and we ask ourselves: Who am I? Alice, in her country, after thirty years, he feels discomfort: he strikes, the struggles involved, volunteer, he shouted, in hospital wards, he gritted his teeth, has long debt for its roof, fought thirty years to get a better quality. Ma sente fastidio, oggi sente fastidio. Farà la sua parte, ancora, e di nuovo, ma non riesce più ad ascoltare chi finora l’ha fatta vivere così. Le viene la rogna, a sentire certi paroloni: secessione, presidenzialismo, de-localizzazione, tangentopoli, piduisti, pidiellisti, falchi, padanie, appaltopoli, grilli di qua e valori di là, deflazioni, speculazioni, inflazioni, globalizzazioni, sub-prime e finanziarizzazione. Le viene la rogna, a sentire questi tiggì che parlano solo degli altri, di quelli che, eletti al governo, fanno finta, finta di tutto. Fanno finta che lei non esista: qui sta il punto vero. Nel suo paese è successo di tutto, in trent’anni. È mancata solo una cosa: la dignità of living, of building something in a reasonable time, meeting the needs decent answers, the lift in the morning without thinking: which casino-obstacle-problem-insult I have to overcome today?

by: http://www.unita.it/news/italia/102410/niente_casa_niente_lavoro_si_fa_presto_a_dire_trentanni

Is A 10 Inch Dobsonian A Good Scope

commercials on TV too much fat and sugar







If you were to follow the advice commercials aired on television, you would end up eating too much fat, sugar and salt. Explain it in an article published in the Journal of the American Dietetic Association, Michael Mink and colleagues at Armstrong Atlantic State University.

According to the authors of the study, the ubiquity of television in America makes it a potential key factor in creating an environment "obesogenic", that promotes obesity. The commercials on TV are in fact a proposal for a diet. Da queste considerazioni nasce l'idea di paragonare il contenuto nutrizionale dei cibi proposti dalla pubblicità con le linee guida sull'alimentazione.
A questo scopo sono state analizzate 84 ore di programmazione mandate in onda in prima serata e il sabato mattina durante l'autunno del 2004. Dal test è emerso che un'alimentazione basata sui cibi offerti dagli spot avrebbe 25 volte il valore di zucchero consigliato, 20 volte quello di grassi e solo il 40% delle porzioni di verdura ottimali, il 32% di latticini e il 27% di frutta. Nel complesso il menu giornaliero risulterebbe troppo ricco in proteine, grassi, grassi saturi, colesterolo e sodio, e povero in carboidrati, fibre, vitamine A, E e D, acido pantotenico, ferro, fosforo, calcio, magnesium, copper and potassium.
In fact, a hypothesis which finds some confirmation is that advertising changes consumer preferences. A study has shown, for example, this appears persuasive promotions aimed at children, especially when they use the most famous cartoon characters. The research was led by Chris Roberts and colleagues at Yale University, and published on the number of Pediatrics, 21 June. It was found that children in the age group 4-6 years are the most delicious cookies, candies and even the carrots when they are printed on the package recognizable characters like Dora, Scooby Doo and Shrek. For example, in the case of biscuits, 55% of children said that those with the character had a better taste, compared with 37% who chose the answer "same taste" and 7% who preferred to those without character. The results for the marshmallows to the fruit were similar, while in the case of carrots showed a less marked preference.
In both cases, the study ends with an appeal to the regulation of advertising of foods with a high-calorie and low nutritional value.

Source: Nutritional imbalance
Endorsed by televised food advertisements. Mink M, Evans A, Moore CG, Calderon KS, S. Deger J Am Diet Assoc.J Am Diet Assoc. 2010 Jun; 110 (6) :904-10.

Thema Film Tranvestis

Think plurality. Cultural pluralism in the age of "identity politics"

The plurality, diversity, variety and diversity we always give the impression of disorder, chaos, the An-archy in the sense of a lack of principle, a foundation, a raison d'etre of the phenomena as perceived. This is part of our own cognitive structure: finding a principle of order, see a series of abstract figures and faces certain signs, as is well known to psychologists. The Gestalt laws of grouping (proximity, similarity, closure, continuity, symmetry) teach us that our minds are just looking for symmetry, similarity, continuity rather than asymmetry, inconsistencies and discontinuities.

In other words, the perceptual point of view we have been "equipped" (in evolutionary sense) to see structures in order more or less uniform instead of the chaos. However, the problem remains in that the plurality troubles us and disturb us, as evidenced by many proverbs and sayings of common sense: "tot capita tot sententiae," "too much crippled," "can not serve two masters" ... But when does a plurality becomes "too much"? How much diversity (in a secular and / or Inter) we can take?
If today the physical and natural diversity is no longer a problem, however, is that socio-cultural. If the logic of identity which is based on the entire Western philosophical thought from Parmenides German idealism was able to ensure a metaphysics of substance, and being a Christian theology (and Islamic, as is too often forgotten) based on the idea of permanence and immutability, the advent of modernity, with its idea of \u200b\u200ba free individual, autonomous, capable of self-determination and to evaluate (and criticize) rationally traditions, rules, authority has radically changed the picture of that logic. While the logic of identity has radically separate identity from difference, marginalizing otherness, with Hegel seeing - I think for the first time - to attempt to think of the identity that otherness, to understand their mutual involvement. Hegel puts that into question this principle or law of identity by which we reason, I think we represent reality. Hegel writes in § 115, 'Encyclopedia of the Philosophical Sciences that " No conscience think, nor representation, nor speak, according to this law, no existence of any kind, according to this law exists. " Hegel argues that the very identity is to ask the difference, or that the difference is the moment where you think your identity. Plurality means then that when we think one thing we always think in relation to another: for Hegel, then, the relationship is constitutive of thinking in general.
This acquisition of the Hegelian dialectic implies a major change: the transition from a logic of identity to a logic of recognition . But this is not a simple logical-conceptual revolution, that is the simple record of the report "for Plato to think, means to connect, bind, with the-wire (the famous Platonic symploké ). This revolution has in fact at least three consequences and ethical practices. If the identity is not fundamental, but based, one gets that:
1. Per sapere chi sono “io” devo pormi necessariamente in relazione, ho cioè bisogno prima ancora di essere tale, che ci sia qualcun altro che mi riconosca come un “io” (si pensi alla relazione asimmetrica madre-figlio: ciascuno di noi è divenuto tale perché la madre lo ha riconosciuto, prestandogli cure, tempo, affetto, amore).

2. In questo senso l’altro, ciò che io non sono, è la vera condizione del mio comprendermi come “io”, come “me stesso”, come “identità personale”.

3. Non posso conoscere se non sono stato prima “riconosciuto” da altri, che hanno reso possibile “me stesso” come coscienza: know, therefore, means recognizing .
You should pay attention to these consequences and their conceptual implications and ethical practices, because they have implications important and decisive in our moral and political life. They imply
fact that they can never give absolute no identity or think it can be defined once and for ALL. The complexity of plurality rather derives from the fact that we are people, the result of a totality of relations that do not have, and then we share always already an identity with other members of a particular group. As Amartya Sen writes in his Identity and Violence, "The world divided according to a single allocation is much more confrontational universe of plural and distinct categories that shapes the world in which we live. (...) Such an image contrasts with the idea that we are otherwise different. The hope of harmony in the contemporary world lies largely in a clearer understanding of pluralities of human identity, and recognition that these are cross-sectional and plurality are an antidote to a clear separation along a dividing line fortified and impenetrable. "
From cultural point of view, the logic of identity leads us to think of culture as a compact fortresses, castles with drawbridges, with clear boundaries and territories stabiliti una volta per tutte o, per riprendere un'immagine usata da vari antropologi, "palle da biliardo" lisce e lucide, senza alcuna porosità. Non siamo abituati - perché la logica identitaria che governa la nostra cultura ci ha imposto di associare continuità, permanenza, stabilità, ordine all'identità - a pensare alla nostra identità culturale come qualcosa di plurale, di composito, frutto di innumerevoli stratificazioni storiche, processi di riconoscimento (ma anche di misconoscimento), ibridazioni e incroci. Di fronte all'"altro" - lo straniero, l'estraneo, il "foresto" - scatta subito la legge gestaltica di raggruppamento: esso deve venir inserito in una categoria, rubricato, classificato in base alla provenance and origin, as if the arche, the source, could tell his whole story, could run out of his "identity."
Similarly for our logic of identity is difficult to accept the fact of political pluralism, often confused with relativism, with a general idea that all cultures are equally important, have the same value (which is different than recognizing the equal dignity ). Pluralism, in fact, is to take diversity, difference, otherness itself as a value in itself (very different thing to say, as a certain relativism, that all values \u200b\u200bare equal) and therefore does not amount to a generic " multiculturalism. " This is infatti la moltiplicazione delle identità culturali in nome della loro "differenza specifica"; e che esso sia "thick" o "thin", come vogliono alcuni autori (Fullinwider, Kukathas, Chandran, Galston), resta il fatto che esso è in linea di massima ostile alla diversità, alle affiliazioni multiple, alla possibilità - che invece il pluralismo garantisce - di trovare un terreno comune di convivenza civile, valori laicamente condivisi. Esso vede l'integrazione dell'identità culturale di gruppo nella società come il male da evitare a tutti i costi e quindi propugna una sorta di separatismo culturale (la "mia" identità - tirolese, ladina, carnica, gaelica, scozzese, basca, ecc. è intoccabile, sacra, inviolable, because in the past has been neglected, misunderstood, colonized, etc..), putting end to the idea of \u200b\u200bmulticultural society as an archipelago of communities separated by clear boundaries, I decided once and for all. The identity is preserved only in the separation, even in the segregation of each other.
In this way the company would have splintered into a patchwork of minorities (self) segregation or, better, autosegregantisi, which are not allowed multiple affiliations, membership of a group of more culturally defined (multiculturalism thick), or everything becomes extremely problematic (thin multiculturalism ). But a society in which affiliations are multiple problems, which are suspicious of plural identities, in which otherness is still perceived as a threat and danger, not even a pluralistic society and plural society is a fragmented, atomistic, reminiscent of a patchwork fragmentation feudal and where the state should only seek to resolve the disagreements that inevitably arise from claims culturalist (minimal house).
Clearly, then, that this "will of the community" brings "the company under siege" to connect only the titles of two famous works of Zygmunt Bauman: an archipelago of communities autosegregantisi, lacking harmony with that environment that once called "society" as a set of constraints, obligations, refer to norms and values \u200b\u200bderived from the sense of belonging to a community that produces shared collective representations (the idea of \u200b\u200ba common good that you can better pursue cooperation rather than hinder each other). This idea of \u200b\u200bsociety was made possible by the idea of \u200b\u200bcultural pluralism described above, as a result of the liberal idea of \u200b\u200bsociety in which many can stay together , where everyone achieves better their projects by limiting the their freedom (or rather to their will, their own subjective will), knowing that working for the good of all is il modo migliore per realizzare il proprio e di essere più liberi . Individualismo, mediatizzazione, globalizzazione, crisi delle ideologie, teorie sociali postmoderne e "multiculturalismo" hanno decretato la "morte del sociale", la "fine della società", in un "individualismo senza individui" e in una "socializzazione senza società" dove trionfano le identità esibite, esposte, spogliate, confessate come nei reality show che vanno per la maggiore. Ma la "morte della società" accade quando gli altri sono percepiti e/o raccontati solo come ostacolo, intralcio, fastidio: quando la pluralità è il nemico da battere, quando si esclama trionfalmente “ne resterà uno solo!”, emphasizing non-virtue as cunning, deception, stupidity calculated, the ability to manipulate others to suit your purposes. Identity that becomes a "political" as "identity politics", both at the policy level in the strictest sense, in the sense of personal calculation. Their "difference" (whether personal, cultural, social, religious or political) should be recognized, accepted, received, maintained and protected. It happens a bit 'like at school, when parents have recourse against the "no promotion" (politically correct term if not failures) is claimed a "right to promotion" justified by a "special" family situation, una "particolare" condizione psicologica, un "particolare" disagio (con i compagni, con i professori, con l'ambiente scolastico...). Ognuno è una storia a sé, una "differenza" che va tutelata e garantita nel suo "diritto al successo scolastico": bocciare significa, secondo queste teorie, negare la possibilità di "realizzare il proprio progetto di vita".

In questo modo si fa della propria "differenza", cioè della propria specificità di condizioni umane e personali, un grimaldello per aprire tutte le porte e per ottenere vantaggi legati alla propria particolarità. Singoli individui o gruppi chiedono di essere riconosciuti perché sono stati umiliati, perseguitati e/o misconosciuti in the past (eg, women, Native Americans, gays) say they do not ask to be "included" in the human race, but to be respected in their diversity, in their "difference" They thereby advance a "claim recognition ", the" cultural right "to be respected and free to make their own choices, with significant ethical and legal consequences (marriage, inheritance, etc..): this takes the form of policies of preferential treatment (affirmative action ) that often give rise to bitter controversy, as "positive discrimination".
Identity Politics "to remove discrimination discrimination "(G. Sartori), that is to protect the differences, diversity, life forms plural claiming the right to recognition as their" other "that seeks to activate compensatory mechanisms of past discriminations. The result is a huge ethical problem that reconfigures the question of diversity and pluralism: it is to understand what it means, here, recognize.
We have already seen, that the condition of my identity, my "be myself", and being recognized by others (even the non-recognition, not having been acknowledged, has made me who I am): But now here "recognize" significa piuttosto “accettare la differenza” di questi gruppi, “tutelare” il loro essere minoranza, rispettare la loro “peculiarità”, garantendo loro dei “vantaggi sociali”, dei “privilegi”, finanche dei “diritti”. Si innesca in questo modo “una reazione a catena perversa: o che i discriminati chiedano per sé gli stessi vantaggi accordati agli altri, e/o che le identità favorite dalla discriminazione chiedano per sé sempre più privilegi a danno delle identità non favorite. Nel qual caso la identità che viene attaccata e sminuita finisce per risentire il proprio misconoscimento e magari reagisce riaffermando una sua superiorità” (G. Sartori). In questo modo non più l’identità, ma la differenza diventa il vero problema. Perché, per restare all'esempio, si evita di bocciare Tizio piuttosto che Caio? (oppure, più spesso: perché non si boccia né Tizio né Caio?) Risposta: i genitori di Tizio potrebbero fare ricorso e far perdere tempo all'organizzazione scolastica. Quindi per non farsi problemi, per non creare disparità di trattamento, tutti promossi, todos caballeros .

La "politica dell'identità" diventa così un mezzo per tutelare chi fa più rumore, chi è più disposto a mobilitarsi o a mobilitare l’opinione pubblica, perché non esiste un criterio oggettivo per preferire a minority to another, an affiliation to protect against another affiliation. This results in a conflictual social situation permanently and full of resentment (the real key to understanding the social according to R. Girard), which absorbs any energy that could be channeled for the betterment of society as a whole: words like " politics of recognition "," protection of minorities ", etc.. raise negative passions like anger, bitterness, resentment, anger, and lead many people to ignore the political life or extreme political choices, with the risk of racist and xenophobic tendencies. In this way, moreover, it is easy banalizzare il pluralismo confondendolo con un generico relativismo morale e culturale (grave errore concettuale, come si è visto), accusando il primo di aver messo sullo stesso piano tutte le “verità”, riducendole a banali “credenze”.

Nel dialogo fra l’antropologo Marco Aime ed Emanuele Severino c’è un bel passo che vorrei citare in conclusione di questa riflessione sulle difficoltà di riconoscere e accogliere la pluralità. Citando Ralph Linton, un antropologo che a lezione chiedeva ai suoi studenti di fermarsi a riflettere su quanto fosse “americano” quello che facevano ogni giorno, Marco Aime scrive:

“Hai sollevato the cloth woven cotton fiber discovered for the first time in India in the sixth century BC, then you got stuck slippers, shoes of the Algonquian Indians, then you've had breakfast in a bowl, ceramic, made by a process invented in China, you put the coffee that comes dall'Abissinia or tea coming from China or the cocoa that comes from South America. Then you left, you bought a newspaper printed on paper, a process invented in China, printed with movable type, a process invented in Europe, and broke it paid with a coin, invention of Numidia, and according to the news you thanked or cursed a god Middle East have you given birth to American (M. Aime, E. Severino, The Different as an icon of evil , Boringheri Bollati, Torino 2009, pp. 29-30).

We are therefore faced with a problem at the same time philosophical, anthropological, socio-political and ethical. We must address (but we are prepared to do that?) A new human condition, the challenge of open and plural identity, never final, never finished, never fully claimable. The plurality and diversity are now a challenge: the effort to hold together different sizes of thinking about diversity and plurality as a value; to understand every dimension plural (in itself) but with its roots in common ground as many flowers in a garden. A garden: a living space of the richness of the look of those who cultivate it, a living image of plurality and pluralism.
The effort that we do together is to recognize that we are not compact identity, definitive, unitary, we are more like sponges than billiard balls polished and impenetrable. There are foreigners, strangers, aliens, "foreigners" extra-something. Because each of us is pass through the other, by a number of others, ourselves, others, "the rest of us."