Thursday, December 2, 2010

Best Type Of Ham Antennas

Anomia Italian: the breaking of social ties on the birth of sociology

Stumble this article appeared yesterday on the Republic. This is an interview with Marco Revelli, historian, sociologist and political scientist, author of the recent essay Poor, we (Einaudi 2010), which explores the end of the social bond and the "organic solidarity" we have learned studying Durkheim, and the return of feudal relations of subordination ("The individual unsure of its position and fearful of its bankruptcy protection and has asked the power in power ... loyalty is likely to abdicate your status as a citizen and a return to passivity of the subject ").
I bring to your consideration, because here it comes at the end of you especially - the "slaughtered" by this "anomie" - and your future .

are middle-class workers and young people, the new poor in Italy. The situation is worse for all, worse than all 'beginning of the eighties when there were six million people in poverty. Today not only are at least two million more, but - according to Istat in 2008 - the Italians knocked out by an unforeseen € seven hundred nineteen million, more than one third of the population. Just put us so bad, we who belong to the "big ones"? It is a picture of ' Italia reale, stridente nell' asprezza dei numeri con il racconto "apologetico" del potere, Poveri, noi , il breve saggio di Marco Revelli in uscita oggi da Einaudi (pagg. 128, euro 10). Il politologo, alla guida negli ultimi tre anni della Commissione d'indagine sull'esclusione sociale, racconta un Bel Paese più povero e molto più cattivo. Usa una metafora: come Gregor Samsa, il protagonista del celebre racconto di Kafka, anche noi un giorno ci siamo svegliati e ci siamo ritrovati irriconoscibili. Non solo delle canaglie con gli "ultimi" della piramide sociale che è meglio spingere sempre più in basso, meglio ancora se "fuori". Ormai con un'inedita ferocia we treat a bit 'all' others', those who for various reasons are worse off than us-in the workplace as well as a family.
Professor Revelli, she raises doubts about the "magnificent and progressive" in this country so full of symbols of a 'too ostentatious opulence. It will not be catastrophic?
"These are numbers and facts, statistics and news stories that expose the blatantly 'extreme fragility of our economic, social and even moral. Not only are we growing, but on a tilting dangerously towards backwardness. We live in a state of general malaise that disrupts the tissue Social, producing a break in the chain of relations, ties, the most basic mechanisms of solidarity. The effects are very serious about the quality and future of our democracy. "
crisis bites on the wings also previously regarded as relatively "strong" labor market: the middle class. Who are these new poor?
'social figures are alien to the "culture of poverty" that - for lifestyle, interests, friendships, professional relationships, family patterns - all belong to the effects of a middle class that are considered "secured" against the risk of downgrading and even more so of 'impoverishment'.
Take some examples.
'C' is the engineer of 'Eutelia (formerly Olivetti) at the highest level of professionalism that had a high income and finds himself "made the move." There are many employees of the industries, the "pictures" suddenly free technical advice, small and medium sized retailers squeezed by supermarkets. All safe until the other day with their standard of life, and now in serious trouble. And then there are women, and also graduated with a respectable professional position, forced to change radically if we found life alone - after a separation, which is very common. They are women who often have children, pay a baby sitter, and maybe even a mortgage or car payments ... There will be "technically" poor, but theirs is a difficult condition, as usually disguised.
are anything but poor "hidden" young, robbed of the present and future. She writes that have been "massacred". Are not you afraid that the term is too strong?
"No, because they often are the sacrificial victims of the decline of our country. Here the numbers speak for: 's 80 per cent of the jobs lost between 2008 and 2010 on young people, those who had come to last in the labor market, through the broken door of the contracts atypical in the long term administration, project ... Precarious development, unemployment in the crisis, without the cover of cushions, often without even a minimum income. The decision to focus exclusively on the layoff has opened an umbrella on fathers, but leaving out the children, easily licensable at no cost. The more educated and highly skilled, those who belong to the "cognitive world", new professions such as IT, are now reduced to the underclass. "
Then there is the scandal of poverty among large families, 40 percent concentrated in the South many children who are in Italy today and tomorrow will have nothing adults at risk?
"The Country of the Family Day has the sad privilege of having the highest rate of child poverty of the European Union. A nailed to a 25 per cent Eurostat said that as a minor in four lives in a family very uncomfortable, and that in this country do more than two children is a curse. "
What slamming in his face - uncomfortably - the statistics of the poor?
"The reality of a country that limps and hallucinatory illusion of a virtual country from the top floors. In the middle, between the tips of the scissors, they find fertile ground and poisons the frustrations, resentments and grudges, made the moral and material failures, the loneliness and crises of identity that have scarred the Italian social anthropology. The hardening of the national character and spread as a collective feeling of envy. The intolerance of the fragility of the weak, the tolerance for defects of the powerful. Entire repertoire of ingredients that have fed the flames populist, the "territorial tribalism as a form of compensation, but also the quieter waves of" exodus "from politics and public space."
With what effect on the quality of Italian democracy?
"democratic principles are deeply eroded in a country where hope falls into the mechanism of redistribution of income and it seems impossible to tap into the wealth of the lucky few, where the poor will remain poor and a substantial proportion of the population ceases to consider publicly guaranteed their desire for a dignified life. The individual unsure of its position and fearful of its bankruptcy protection and has asked the power to power fidelity. Today this evil trade fills the void left by the claims, but neither the discretion of the various holders of power or the devotion of the servants belonging to the state of democracy. Without a clear signal for halt to this drift, which implies a tough comparison with the current ruling class, there is a danger to the abdication of his status as a citizen and a return to passivity of the subject. "

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